Washington’s newest plan to revive coal country

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Oct 23, 2024 View in browser
 
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By Arianna Skibell

President Joe Biden walks with Sens. Ed Markey and Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts, and John Kerry at a coal plant in Massachusetts.

President Joe Biden visited the coal-fired Brayton Power Station in Massachusetts to talk about clean energy in 2022. | Evan Vucci/AP

President Joe Biden is offering the latest plan from Washington to help struggling coal communities: turn mining ghost towns into hubs for clean energy manufacturing.

The Energy Department announced $428 million in federal grants Tuesday for manufacturing projects in 15 coal communities, writes Benjamin Storrow. The grants are part of a wider effort to create jobs by greening the economy.

Some labor unions and environmental advocates have been pushing Biden and Vice President Kamala Harris to devise a plan for reviving communities decimated by the steady decline in coal since before they entered the White House in 2021. Now, with two weeks until the election, it’s doubtful whether the federal investment will matter to voters.

While some of the funding will go to factories planned in Michigan and Pennsylvania, critical swing states where coal was once a pillar of the economy, such projects won't come to fruition for years.

Plus, Biden and Harris have struggled to politically leverage their efforts to green the economy. On the campaign trail, Harris rarely mentions climate change or the clean energy investments secured through the nation’s two largest pieces of climate legislation, the Inflation Reduction Act and bipartisan infrastructure law.

“It is one of the mysteries that haunts the entire presidential race at this point,” said Sean O’Leary, a researcher who has studied the coal industry’s collapse at the Ohio River Valley Institute.

Still, the investments offer a potential lifeline to communities in desperate need of jobs. U.S. coal mining employment has plunged from almost 90,000 jobs in 2012 to 43,000 this year. Employment at coal-fired power plants fell from 86,000 jobs in 2016 to 63,000 last year, according to Energy Department statistics.

The question of how to help the workers left behind has bedeviled policymakers for years. It has proven politically challenging for Democratic administrations, whose environmental policies are often blamed for coal’s decline. The industry has been steadily priced out by cheaper natural gas and undercut by regulations to reduce carbon emissions.

Some climate advocates have proposed shifting mining jobs to clean power projects, but wind and solar facilities often employ fewer people. Republicans have talked up carbon capture and storage as a way to preserve coal plants, but the technology has yet to be widely adopted. The Obama administration promoted a program that taught miners to write code, which was not overly successful.

Some states have also passed laws aimed at ensuring a so-called just transition for mining communities by providing social services and benefits for former mine workers, creating job retraining programs or building up new economies.

The climate law provides tax benefits to renewable developers and manufacturers that build projects in areas where coal mines and plants have closed. The new grants build on that by providing money for specific projects, including $28 million for a Michigan manufacturer of transmission conductors and $24 million for a Kentucky-based company that builds parts of electric vehicle batteries.

Biden’s plan is “actually pretty impressive,” O’Leary told Ben. “In these grants, DOE seems to be doing what appears to be a pretty good job anticipating industries that will thrive and be viable for the long term.”

 

It's Wednesday — thank you for tuning in to POLITICO's Power Switch. I'm your host, Arianna Skibell. Power Switch is brought to you by the journalists behind  E&E News and POLITICO Energy. Send your tips, comments, questions to askibell@eenews.net.

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Today in POLITICO Energy’s podcast: James Bikales breaks down why Montana Sen. Jon Tester, one of the most vulnerable Democrats this election cycle, is being blamed for the layoffs of hundreds of union workers at a mine, and how it’s impacting his race.

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Portland residents take shelter from a deadly heat wave at the Oregon Convention Center in 2021.

A record-setting heat dome killed 69 people in Oregon in 2021. Local officials have accused the fossil fuel industry of contributing to the disaster. | Nathan Howard/AFP via Getty Images

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A conservative research firm is collecting information that could be used to discredit officials involved in a multibillion-dollar climate lawsuit against fossil fuel companies, writes Corbin Hiar.

Argus Insight has made at least 10 public records requests for documents related to a lawsuit filed last year by county leaders in Oregon that accuses Exxon Mobil, the American Petroleum Institute, McKinsey & Co. and hundreds of other defendants of being responsible for a dayslong heat wave in 2021 that killed 69 people.

Three corporate litigation experts say Argus — a company with no apparent connection to the suit — appears to be digging for dirt on people who support the case.

Argus declined to answer questions about who hired the firm to collect the information. But Argus partner Zach Parkinson said in a statement: “Activists and pundits who complain that transparency is toxic to their agenda should ponder what that says about their own deeply unpopular positions."

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A nonprofit grassroots group has enlisted a formidable legal ally to push the Supreme Court to block a massive copper mine on land sacred to Indigenous people in Arizona, write Hannah Northey and Pamela King.

Apache Stronghold, which includes members of the San Carlos Apache Tribe, is working with the Becket Fund for Religious Liberty, which touts an undefeated record at the Supreme Court, winning eight cases in the last 12 years.

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Movement on that front — plus possible U.S. efforts after the election — could signal "that Russia is ready to end the war," he said.

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That's it for today, folks! Thanks for reading.

 

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