Welcome to POLITICO’s West Wing Playbook, your guide to the preparations, personnel decisions and policy deliberations of Donald Trump’s transition. POLITICO Pro subscribers receive a version of this newsletter first. Send tips | Subscribe here | Email Eli | Email Lauren | Email Lisa | Email Megan During the campaign, DONALD TRUMP previewed a second term that was going to be more populist than the first. He escalated his tariff threats, doubled down on support for American manufacturing, and named a scion of the populist right — JD VANCE — as his running mate. Those all pointed to a more aggressive agenda to upend the global trading system — even at the cost of one of his favorite economic metrics: stock market performance. But that’s not how things are panning out. The news this week that former U.S. trade chief ROBERT LIGHTHIZER will not return to the Trump administration hammered home a stark reality: so far, the protectionist wing of the GOP is losing the battle to influence Trump’s economic policy. Instead, the advantage is with the globalists — Wall Street types who look more at home in a BILL CLINTON or GEORGE W. BUSH White House than in the new National Populist movement. With Trump, it’s difficult to know whether this marks a hard reset from his campaign messaging to the administration or a mere zag that portends the ferocious battle that will likely play out on economic matters once he’s in the White House. Lighthizer was the brain behind Trump’s across-the-board tariff threats on the trail, following a paradigm-shifting first term as trade chief, in which he slapped duties on allies and adversaries alike. This time around, he wanted a bigger job leading either Treasury or Commerce, but was passed over in favor of Wall Street types who are only recent — and reluctant — converts to Trump’s trade agenda. Trump’s most important economic picks — SCOTT BESSENT for Treasury, HOWARD LUTNICK for Commerce, KEVIN HASSETT for the National Economic Council — are all financial sector figures designed to convince Wall Street that despite Trump’s bellicose campaign rhetoric, he’s not going to do anything that would truly upend the global economy. Financiers are crowing about it. On Wednesday, hedge fund billionaire KEN GRIFFIN called Trump’s tariff threats “small ball” compared to other geopolitical concerns — a line that’d be unthinkable if Lighthizer was set to run Treasury. Even so, it hasn’t been a clean sweep for Wall Street. Lighthizer’s ally JAMIESON GREER has been picked to be the U.S. trade representative, union ally Rep. LORI CHAVEZ-DeREMER is set to lead the Department of Labor, and PETER NAVARRO was named to reprise his role as a senior White House trade counsel — a role that Lighthizer didn’t want, because it came with no statutory authority. But those populist figures start at a significant disadvantage to the Wall Street contingent in the war to influence Trump’s economic policy — at least, that was the opinion of Navarro himself. Right after the election, he foreshadowed a “battle between the MAGA folks and Wall Street folks” during a News Nation appearance. “I think if you see Wall Street-type people in key places like Treasury or the National Economic Council within the West Wing, that's going to be very, very difficult,” Navarro said. “One of the problems we had in the first term is that Wall Street was continually fighting." Now, Navarro and his allies are trying to spin the situation for the better. All the Wall Street nominees, they point out, have been made to bend the knee to Trump’s tariff agenda: Lutnick endorsed huge tariffs in cable news appearances, for instance, and Bessent even penned a Fox News op-ed extolling their virtues. Now that he’s going back to the administration, Navarro told West Wing Playbook that Bessent and Hassett are the “perfect choices” to advance Trump’s trade agenda. What’s more, they argue, Trump’s tariff threats have only escalated during the transition, like his Truth Social warnings for Canada and Mexico (in contravention of his own reformed NAFTA), promising a 10 percentage point boost to tariffs on China, and even 100 percent tariffs on developing nations if they try to abandon the dollar. But look closer, and these comments also belie the weakness of the populists at this early stage. Trump’s recent threats align more with Lutnick and Bessent’s view of tariffs — that they are a negotiating tool to get policy concessions from other foreign governments. Contrast that to Lighthizer and Greer’s view that tariffs should be instituted for long periods to help bring manufacturing jobs back to the U.S. Trump’s allies in Congress are starting to notice the shift. “There’s a moderation effect in having a balance of voices in the presidency here when it comes to … geopolitical policy, trade policy, capital formation policy,” said Sen. KEVIN CRAMER (R-N.D.). “We’ve already seen that [shift] in Trump's early messages to Canada and Mexico and China on the tariff front.” But protectionists point out that the war between the factions will be long. And Lighthizer, they point out, is just a phone call away, and could easily resurface in Trump’s inner circle if he tires of the Wall Street crowd. MESSAGE US — Are you ROBERT LIGHTHIZER? We want to hear from you. And we’ll keep you anonymous! Email us at westwingtips@politico.com. Did someone forward this email to you? Subscribe here!
|