Welcome to POLITICO’s West Wing Playbook, your guide to the people and power centers in the Biden administration. With help from producer Raymond Rapada. Send tips | Subscribe here | Email Eli | Email Lauren PROGRAMMING NOTE: We’ll be off this Monday for Martin Luther King Jr. Day but will be back in your inbox on Tuesday, Jan. 16. Every time Senate negotiators say they’re getting close to a deal, border talks hit another snag, often around one policy in particular: President JOE BIDEN’s parole authority. The issue is deep in the weeds of immigration policy. But for weeks, it’s been a major sticking point in the White House’s attempt to unlock billions of dollars in foreign aid for Israel, Ukraine and Taiwan. It’s becoming increasingly difficult to see how negotiations clear this hurdle in the Senate unless Democrats and the Biden administration make major concessions on parole. Which begs the question for many, including the politically initiated: what, actually, is parole authority? Immigration parole, first established in 1952, has been used by every Republican and Democratic president since DWIGHT EISENHOWER. It allows the government to grant migrants temporary permission to live and work in the U.S., though there’s no path toward citizenship. And it’s been utilized for foreign policy purposes, humanitarian reasons or for significant public benefit. “Parole is literally one of the oldest and most well-established immigration authorities used in a variety of contexts in Democratic and Republican administrations for decades,” said RAHA WALA, vice president of strategic partnerships and advocacy at the National Immigration Law Center. “It’s well-established and well-settled law.” Biden has used the authority extensively, to airlift Afghans after the fall of Kabul, and to also admit tens of thousands Ukrainians after the Russian invasion. He’s also used it to take pressure off of the border. In January last year, the president announced a plan to admit 30,000 people a month from Cuba, Haiti, Nicaragua and Venezuela, as long as they had a financial sponsor and flew to the country instead of arriving at the southern border. It’s been a bright spot for Biden on a vexing issue. After opening these pathways, illegal border crossings plunged for these groups, according to government data. The Biden administration is actively fighting legal challenges to the policy in court, arguing that the loss of the program would actually produce the opposite of what Republicans want: worsening the border crisis. “Parole is a make or break for the Biden administration,” said ANDREA FLORES, vice president for immigration policy and campaigns at FWD.US and a former White House official under Biden. “If they lose that authority, the situation at the border will become far more acute than even what we saw in December. It would be devastating for President Biden in an election year to lose this tool.” While the White House desperately wants a bipartisan deal, Biden officials also know that eliminating this power would spell disaster in 2024, sending more migrants directly to an already overwhelmed southern border. Nearly 2 million people are in line for a chance to enter the United States via the legal pathway, according to an analysis from the Cato Institute’s DAVID J. BIER. “We’re not interested in taking away tools that have a proven track record of success,” said Sen. CHRIS MURPHY (D-Conn.) during a floor speech yesterday, taking a hardline against limiting parole while expressing openness to reforms. Republicans have described the policy as a means for evading Congress in order to allow people into the country who otherwise wouldn’t have another way of entry. But Dems argue there’s a political motivation behind the GOP push, particularly when you examine the other policies the White House has been willing to swallow — from raising the credible fear standard in asylum to a new Title 42-like expulsion authority. “The reason this isn’t happening right now in the Senate is because Republicans are demanding things that would make life much worse for Democrats at the border in 2024,” said a person familiar with the negotiations who was granted anonymity to discuss. “This isn’t that progressives are mad. This is, Republicans are like, ‘We want what we want, and we want to fuck up your stuff really bad in ’24.’ Inside the White House, they’re just like, ‘This would be a complete disaster.’” MESSAGE US — Are you BRANDON DEBOT, assistant to the president for tax policy? We want to hear from you. And we’ll keep you anonymous! Email us at westwingtips@politico.com. Did someone forward this email to you? Subscribe here!
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