It's crunch time for plastics

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Nov 26, 2024 View in browser
 
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By Jordan Wolman

THE BIG IDEA

Plastic water bottles are collected.

Diplomats are gathering in South Korea trying to resolve a clash over how to deal with plastic trash. | Justin Sullivan/Getty Images

FINAL PUSH — Plastic is having its Paris moment as negotiators meet in South Korea for make-or-break U.N. talks to land a deal to tackle plastic pollution.

Hot on the heels of COP29, diplomats from around the world will be pushing to meet a year-end deadline in the fifth and final scheduled round of discussions.

To reach an agreement, they’ll need to answer thorny questions including which products and chemicals should be restricted, how to design plastics to be more easily recycled, who should pay to help developing nations manage waste, whether production should be capped, and whether any of this should be binding or voluntary.

Progress has been slow since negotiations began two years ago, with a group of more than 60 countries pushing for binding production limits vehemently opposed by oil-rich countries and the petrochemical industry.

That divide is the biggest remaining obstacle to a global agreement, your host and Leonie Cater report. We’re watching for procedural maneuvering by the so-called high-ambition nations to navigate around obstructions, conversations that have reached the ministerial level, negotiators told POLITICO.

It’s difficult to pin down exactly what the U.S. wants out of all this, Ellie Borst and your host report. And it’s becoming increasingly clear how difficult it will be for the U.S. to thread the needle even within its own constituencies.

The U.S. put forward its most detailed list to date of some of the chemicals and plastic products that countries should at least consider restricting, even though the proposal doesn’t require any government action. But it’s already receiving blowback from both sides: Some environmental groups say it doesn't go far enough and doesn’t keep pace with industry’s plastics expansion plans, while the American Chemistry Council representing Dow, Exxon and Shell argues that it goes too far.

And Republican senators warned President Joe Biden this month that they would not support a treaty with production restrictions.

Ross Eisenberg, president of America’s Plastic Makers, said in a statement that the proposal  “would create a process to regulate chemicals via the plastics agreement using a global list of chemicals, based on open-ended criteria and a vague decision-making process” and would “undermine the prospects for bipartisan support” of the agreement.

Back in August, the Biden administration seemed to have revised its previous approach advocating for a flexible instrument with “national action plans” to call for plastic production limits.

But that announcement, from the White House Council of Environmental Quality, was never made official. And now some green groups are questioning whether the U.S. has walked back that position by clarifying that it doesn’t support production caps. That muddled messaging seems to in part stem from a back-and-forth over who is setting and executing on the U.S. policy — CEQ, or the State Department.

“You can feel the tension in that,” said Erin Simon, vice president at World Wildlife Fund and co-lead of a business coalition advocating for a strong treaty.

That tension has caused confusion among U.S. stakeholders — and an unease within the U.S. delegation. The August shift wasn’t necessarily an easy pill to swallow for the diplomats who spent years staking out positions and building relationships with countries around those points.

“It is the White House's decision on how much to try and achieve. Do I think that will make it harder for the U.S. to be engaged as soon? Yes, I do,” said a former top U.S. negotiator granted anonymity to speak candidly. “But clearly that's a trade-off that the White House is willing to make. And you go and do your best job as the State Department in the negotiation."

Donald Trump’s election victory adds yet another dose of uncertainty. On one hand, the president-elect’s imminent return to the White House might spur negotiators to complete a deal before he takes office in January — though chances of U.S. ratification and implementation would be unlikely in any event.

On the other hand, the looming U.S. shift could give countries like Saudi Arabia a Trump card to play. They could try to stall negotiations to await the arrival of a leader in Washington more sympathetic to their viewpoints.

AROUND THE WORLD

COP OUT — Diplomats from around the world are leaving Azerbaijan, the site of this year’s annual U.N. climate summit, with a $300 billion finance agreement to help developing nations cope with the impact of global warming.

By some measures, the deal was impressively clean given that it was landed in the face of an incoming U.S. president who has expressed doubt about the existence of climate change and is assembling a Cabinet likely to roll back environmental protections and look skeptically on international initiatives, Zack Colman reports.

But the negotiations also cast a brighter spotlight on tensions among wealthier nations over who should foot how much of the bill. Officials from developing nations argue that the financial commitment is well short of what’s needed to help countries that contributed the least to global warming but are now bearing the brunt of its ravages.

Meanwhile, much of the world recognizes the U.S. won’t be contributing at all at least until Democrats regain power in Washington.

“This has been stage-managed, and we are extremely, extremely disappointed,” Chandni Raina, an Indian negotiator, said to the plenary hall after the gavel fell. Calling the sum “paltry” and the deal “nothing more than an optical illusion,” she said her country — the most populous on Earth — “opposes the adoption of this document.”

And then there are the more existential questions our colleague Karl Mathiesen is exploring: Are these COPs even working anymore?

Country pledges to do more to slash emissions are up, as are investments and deployment of clean energy. Climate policy has gone mainstream. Real money is behind the energy transition. And, for what it’s worth, COP attendance is ballooning.

But annual greenhouse gas emissions since 1992 are up 44 percent and the world is on track to warm more than 2.5 degrees Celsius — a level that scientists consider disastrous.

“I’ll be honest — it’s grim,” said Simon Steill, the head of the U.N. climate body that runs the talks.

Also at COP: Carbon markets got a moment in the spotlight when nations approved a long-sought U.N.-led system for companies and countries to invest in projects to help fight climate change.

Reaction was mixed: Some COP players and environmentalists praised the rules for potentially unlocking billions of dollars in spending, some expressed concern that the package didn’t receive proper scrutiny and still others rejected the concept in general as distracting from direct emissions reductions.

AROUND THE NATION

NEW YORK STATE OF MIND — While Trump’s election is rippling across the global fight against climate change, blue states are making plans for battling on the home front.

New York is wading into uncertainty over the future of offshore wind, given the federal government’s wide latitude over permitting and leasing chunks of the ocean, Marie J. French reports. It’s an industry key to the state’s 2030 emissions reduction goals, which are already in jeopardy.

Money for energy efficiency, electric vehicles, heat pumps and tax credits for larger projects could also be at risk given the president-elect’s vow to pull back on unspent Inflation Reduction Act funds.

On the flip side, the prospect of diminished federal climate action could prompt the state to push harder to finalize its carbon pricing program, like it did with congestion pricing in Manhattan.

“It’s certainly not going to get easier,” said Basil Seggos, who led New York’s Department of Environmental Conservation during Trump’s first term.

The way forward for Trump 2.0: Keep your head down and control what’s in your power.

“We already know those deadlines are in danger,” said Vanessa Fajans-Turner, executive director of Environmental Advocates NY about the 2030 targets. “What matters right now isn’t the last step but the next one. The focus has to stay on building projects and sustaining progress.”

 

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YOU TELL US

 GAME ON — Welcome to the Long Game, where we tell you about the latest on efforts to shape our future. Join us every Tuesday as we keep you in the loop on the world of sustainability.

Team Sustainability is editor Greg Mott and reporter Jordan Wolman. Reach us at gmott@politico.com and jwolman@politico.com.

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WHAT WE'RE CLICKING

The world’s leading polluter could begin dialing back its use of fossil fuels ahead of schedule, according to Bloomberg.

— The election of climate skeptic Donald Trump is spurring a revival of environmental activism on college campuses, Bloomberg reports.

The Economist takes a look at why genetically modified crops aren’t taking root in Africa .

 

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