California re-enters the showdown over the future

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By Derek Robertson

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Cisco

Vice President Kamala Harris attends an event in the Rose Garden of the White House.

Vice President Kamala Harris attends an event in the Rose Garden of the White House April 11, 2022, in Washington, D.C. | Drew Angerer/Getty Images

“The future always looks good in the golden land, because no one remembers the past.”

It was 1966 when Joan Didion wrote that about California, and since then it’s become almost axiomatic that America's future starts on the West Coast — whether built by Silicon Valley or scripted by Hollywood or imported from across the Pacific Rim.

And now after a campaign that started out looking like a Queens vs. Scranton rematch, Americans are all but certain to be asked to choose between two visions of the future shaped by California.

One is the pioneering candidacy of Vice President (and former U.S. Senator from California) Kamala Harris, a Bay Area-born politician who would become both the first woman president and woman president of color. The other is, yes, former President Donald Trump, whose campaign is now increasingly powered by the idiosyncratic right-wing politics of key Silicon Valley thought leaders.

That raises a perhaps unexpectedly complicated question: That of which candidate can most credibly represent the future, personally.

Trump has won over high-profile voices on Silicon Valley’s right like Elon Musk and Marc Andreessen by embracing their favored policies on cryptocurrency, artificial intelligence, manufacturing and geopolitics. His culture war obsessions also reflect their ideas about how growth occurs in American society, driven by iconoclastic “builders” rather than collaborative rule-followers. Of course, Trump now would be the oldest president ever inaugurated, should he win another non-consecutive term, so for the Silicon Valley futurists who have embraced Trump as one of their own, that makes for a slightly more awkward argument than it did when he was running against the even older Joe Biden.

Harris has a clearer claim on the future, as a spry, plugged-in 59-year-old. (Born in 1964, she’s almost young enough to be Gen X.)

Having been in the race for only roughly 24 hours, she doesn’t have quite as sketched-out of an agenda for the future yet. As vice president, however, she has led Biden’s push to expand broadband access and supported government regulation of artificial intelligence. She’s also already garnered serious support in Silicon Valley, with venture capital titan Ron Conway pleading on X, “The tech community must come together to defeat Donald Trump and save our democracy by uniting behind Vice President @KamalaHarris,” and LinkedIn co-founder Reid Hoffman leading a major fundraising charge after Biden left the race Sunday.

California’s idea-generating role in American life extends not just to those technological innovations, but to politics itself.

Hollywood helped create the persona of the late President Ronald Reagan, who owed his initial fame to the movie business, experienced conversion to a then-novel, subversive school of Goldwater conservative politics and upended expectations for what practitioners of either art could achieve by becoming president at 69 years of age in 1980.

Trump, like Reagan, redefined not just what it means to be a conservative but what kind of person is allowed to become president in the first place, powered by the revolutionary nature of social media communication. That comparison helps explain how Silicon Valley’s futurists might credibly claim that a septuagenarian real estate mogul from the outer boroughs of New York would represent the dynamist politics of the future.

What Harris represents politically remains much less clear. Her 2020 presidential primary campaign leaned into the progressive racial politics that helped power the “resistance” to the Trump presidency, but after the campaign fizzled early, she’s largely reinvented her political persona and broadened her policy portfolio as vice president. (She’s also become something of a social media phenomenon in her own right in the past 24 hours.)

Now she’ll seek to define and articulate her vision for America’s future once again, with the transformative potential of AI, the shifting political winds in Silicon Valley and her own California roots looming over a presidential campaign that’s already broken records for novelty in the news cycle. While it remains to be seen where she’ll stand in that landscape, her ascent to the top of the presidential ticket guarantees that the Californian ethos of renewal will be at the heart of this year’s argument about where the nation is headed.

 

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harris on ai

World leaders pose for a  photo on the second day of the UK Artificial Intelligence (AI) Safety Summit at Bletchley Park on Nov. 2, 2023 in Bletchley, England.

Global leaders including Vice President Kamala Harris at the 2023 AI Safety Summit in the United Kingdom. | Getty Images

How would a President Kamala Harris shift the White House’s priorities when it comes to AI?

POLITICO’s Mohar Chatterjee hashed it out as part of an omnibus report on Harris’ potential policy platform, writing that Harris has been more outspoken than President Joe Biden in calling for outright regulation rather than voluntary industry commitments.

“History has shown, in the absence of regulation and strong government oversight, some technology companies choose to prioritize profit over the wellbeing of their customers, the safety of our communities, and the stability of our democracies,” Harris said at last year’s Bletchley Park AI summit in the United Kingdom. (Her AI-skeptical comments ruffled feathers at 10 Downing Street, with POLITICO’s Vincent Manancourt and Eugene Daniels quoting an unnamed Whitehall official that people “weren’t delighted with her speech,” which was perceived as stealing their thunder.) She’s argued since then that Silicon Valley can continue to innovate while cooperating with government.

That would differ from the Biden White House’s ambitious, yet ultimately voluntary AI commitments and recommendations that it’s released over the past two years — and would put her on a direct collision course with former President Donald Trump, whose friends in Silicon Valley for the most part favor a traditionally hands-off approach to AI.

 

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microsoft vs. gop?

Meanwhile, industry leaders are pushing back on Republicans’ plans for AI policy.

POLITICO’s Mohar Chatterjee reported late Friday afternoon for Pro subscribers on remarks from Teresa Hutson, a vice president at Microsoft who oversees the company’s initiatives for protecting and advancing fundamental rights, who said at the Aspen Security Forum that “We do think we need some rules of the road. And also would prefer not to have this regulated at the state level. Fifty states regulating this will make business impossible."

The Republican National Committee’s official platform accuses President Joe Biden’s administration of imposing “Radical Leftwing ideas on the development of this technology,” and promises to repeal his AI executive order.

Hutson pushed back on the hands-off approach: “There are some things that we can all just agree should be regulated,” she said. “Things like: We shouldn't be able to use this technology to create non-consensual sexual imagery, or porn. We shouldn't be able to use this to create fake porn of teenage girls.”

 

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Stay in touch with the whole team: Derek Robertson (drobertson@politico.com); Mohar Chatterjee (mchatterjee@politico.com); Steve Heuser (sheuser@politico.com); Nate Robson (nrobson@politico.com); Daniella Cheslow (dcheslow@politico.com); and Christine Mui (cmui@politico.com).

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